Ukraine now one of the poorest countries Europe. The standard of living in it promptly falls from year to year: by data United Nations, already more than a half of citizens Ukraine live below the poverty line. Modern Ukraine — this state with the destroyed social infrastructure, with catastrophically disappearing industrial potential and with quickly decreasing population. All this, in the theory, had to lead to sharp activization of the left political forces. For which, as we know, the crisis phenomena in capitalist system of any state are favorable conditions for political development and electoral victories. However anything similar now in Ukraine it is not observed. And here the main reason not that in Ukraine the system of the power relying on right radical ideology was installed. (In many countries there are right radical and authoritarian regimes, but left there all the same conduct active, let semi-legal or even underground work. ) And in that left-wing parties Ukraine, and first of all their leaders, made everything for discredit of the left idea in the opinion of potential supporters.
the Algorithm practically everywhere was identical. At first there was a party, then the party leader received almost dictatorial powers. Using which, it started turning party into the personal property, everything is farther and farther leaving from initial ideals under which political force was created. Now we will consider history of crash of two most noticeable left-wing parties Ukraine in more detail.
Communist Party of Ukraine (Communist Party of Ukraine)
the largest and known from system left-wing parties in Ukraine. It most long from them worked in the Ukrainian parliament. And its falling was the loudest and shameful. The history of modern Communist Party of Ukraine began after GKChP failure when Communist Party of Ukraine was officially forbidden. However thanks to that then in all authorities and in operating Rada already independent Ukraine was enough former communists and people, to them sympathizing, in the 1993rd year of Communist Party it was succeeded to achieve permission to legalization. As the first recovery congress of Communist Party of Ukraine happened in Donetsk, and delegations from the Donbass areas were the most impressive, for a role of the head of Communist Party quite naturally elected the local representative — Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich. At the time of disorder of the USSR of the Donetsk regional committee which was the second secretary of party. Besides, after a ban of Communist Party of Ukraine, Simonenko Alexander became the head of the organizing committee of the Communist Party re-registration. And within work of this committee managed to get acquainted in Ukraine with a number of regional communistic leaders (not renounced on a wave of reorganization and finding Ukraine independence of the belief). At that time excessive care and not special determination Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich seemed to much even plus. As then among the Ukrainian communists some ideological currents were designated. There were the radicals demanding that Communist Party of Ukraine at once became branch of a certain analog of CPSU with the center in Moscow. There was a group, conditionally speaking, national deviators. Standing on positions of that the Communist Party has to combine in itself not only a social component, but also national — Ukrainian. Besides, it was expected that the structure of revived Communist Party of Ukraine will have to include operating at that moment in Ukraine Socialist party. So moderate Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich much seemed acceptable option on a post of the party leader, the person, capable to harmonize different ideological groups within one political force. Besides, then many believed that they will not repeat an error of CPSU and the position of the leader of the party will not be lifelong. The pier, will not acquit Simonenko Alexander the hopes rested upon it — we will remove.
After legal restoration of Communist Party of Ukraine in the 1993rd year, Communist Party were waited by serious success. At parliamentary elections of 1994 years passing only through majority districts, Communist Party of Ukraine received 85 places. At parliamentary elections of 1998 passing on the mixed system, the Communist Party received already 121 places. Even better the situation developed on local elections, in many areas communists dominated in councils of all levels. For example in the second half of the 1990th in County of Luhansk the local communist deputy was twice more, than deputies from all other parties of together taken. On the one hand, this success was assisted by a difficult economic situation in the country: people well remembered Soviet period and naturally voted for that political force which associated with these memoirs. On the other hand, and the Communist Party of the second half of the 1990th was rather active political force. Nearly an every week Ukraine passed meetings, pickets and other protest actions in the majority of the regional cities under banners of Communist Party of Ukraine. The Ukrainian communists met with striking, worked in stachkomakh. Repeatedly blocked actions of the Ukrainian nationalists. On places it was succeeded to create a number of print media of pro-communistic orientation.
But, probably, initial progress and broad public support forced communists to relax and reston laurels. Without noticing as the reality round them quickly enough changes. First, at the beginning of zero the social and economic situation in Ukraine improved a little, having reduced social radicalization of society, secondly, on a political field Ukraine there was Party of regions of Ukraine, successfully intercepted the main slogans of communists: improvement of the relations with Russian Federation, state status of Russian, expansion of the rights of regions. But the main thing, "regionals" with might and main showed desire to prevail the power and to operate the country. That at all was absent at communists who in every way showed how it is convenient to them to remain in the provision of opposition. These can explain rather sluggish reaction of Communist Party in the 1999th year when Leonid Danilovich Kuchma in the second round of presidential election declared the victory over Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich. And despite improbable number of falsifications and wide use of administrative resource, the leader of communists recognized the defeat, and the asset of the party not strongly objected to it.
was Then "Orange revolution", divided Ukraine in two. At this moment the Communist Party declared the neutrality. Considering the heat, storming round the Maidan-2004, many apprehended a position of communists as obvious treachery. Communist Party of Ukraine those days lost a great number of the potential supporters. But the Communist Party management by that moment it any more did not excite. As Communist Party of Ukraine as the party structure was finally issued. Its main lines became: rigid administrative vertical, irremovability of the party leader, concentration of all power in hands of very small group of the people approached personally to Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich, and the main thing — refusal of any internal criticism of decisions and party actions. In the ideological plan the party finally departed from any class ideas and created very amorphous ideological concept consisting of synthesis of slogans of social justice, state regulation of business, opposition to nationalism and protection of traditional values. Thus any of these ideological points especially was not studied, remaining at the level of the simple slogan. Party top zakuklilas in themselves, in it new faces practically ceased to appear. Simonenko Alexander created in the Central Committee parties an obedient personnel kernel which, as a rule, and joined in the list of Communist Party through passage on elections in Rada. In regional committees and city town committees decades constant heads also sat. The asset of the party in this or that form got paid from the party center. Secretaries of regional committees, city town committees and district committees worked at a professional basis in party, and as heads of the press services, journalists of party editions, employees of central office of party. Thanks to this fact, Simonenko Alexander also kept at the head of Communist Party. In spite of the fact that in private conversations ordinary functionaries of Communist Party of Ukraine extremely critically responded personally about Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich and other heads of party, at party meetings the same people unanimously voted for the resolutions lowered from above and offers. Any person who has publicly shown though a shred of doubt in correctness of the party management and personally Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich, at once expelled from party, and let and small, but nobody wanted to lose
thus the management of Communist Party of Ukraine perfectly realizing that the asset is dependent on them, already absolutely ceased to hesitate. Having started showing attributes of beautiful life publicly: branded clothes, expensive cars of a representative class. Information that Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich lives in the multi-storey private building copied on the relative in the elite settlement in Concha-Zaspa regularly emerged in the Ukrainian mass media. The big blow to the image of Communist Party and personally her leader put divorce Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich with the spouse and a marriage on the woman who was 26 years younger than it. The Ukrainian journalists right there used a similar situation, having made interview to the abandoned spouse of the main communist in which it called the leader of Communist Party of Ukraine the fool and the pervert.
After parliamentary elections of 2007 when the Socialist party did not get to the Ukrainian Rada Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich, Communist Party of Ukraine remained the only left-wing parliamentary party. The Communist Party ceased to hesitate any more of only smart life of the heads, but also started showing full political pantophagy at adoption of laws. The main thing that for it paid. So, for example already being at Viktor Yanukovych in the parliamentary majority with Party of regions of Ukraine and Blok of Litvin, Communist Party of Ukraine vote on July 1, 2010 for the Law "About Fundamentals of Domestic and Foreign Policy" which article eleventh defined a course Ukraine on eurointegration.
But everything would be forgiven toif to parties there would be an active and productive work. However party life stood on a place. In reality, except the fictitious reporting, in life of Communist Party of Ukraine there were only actions on duty by May 1 and 9, and also on November 7. Where on meeting, before every year decreasing number of supporters, the local management of Communist Party of Ukraine made traditional and banal speeches. Often simply contributory on a piece of paper. Then all dispersed from feeling of the fulfilled duty. Thus nobody was going to consider new vital realities. First of all it concerned growth of nationalist sentiments and their radicalization in the Ukrainian society. And that communists became the first target of nationalists most often. Numerous attacks on communistic actions and actions, regular defilement of the monuments connected with the Soviet past did not cause any desire in the Ukrainian communists to create the certain power structures, capable if not adequately to answer nationalists then to protect the people and the symbols. As a result the divergence of communists only gave confidence to nationalists in the forces and already in many regions Ukraine (first of all in Western) communists if already and carried out any actions, did it most imperceptibly from other society. That naturally nullified any propaganda effect.
the Management of Communist Party was deeply sure that thanks to a brand "communists" they still, at least, fifteen-twenty will play years an important role in the Ukrainian policy. Therefore anything especially they do not need to do. Here in such state, being created from an obedient and passive asset, Communist Party of Ukraine also approached by crisis 2014. When there was what was never in world history. The parliamentary fraction of Communist Party in full strength (except for the deputy Kilinkarov Spiridon) voted for establishment in the country of the radical right dictatorship. This event, as well as some other the incidents which have happened during Evromaydan, remain white spots in the Ukrainian contemporary history. The author of these lines repeatedly tried to find out from direct participants of those events the truth that the such happened that the fraction of Communist Party of Ukraine voted for Turchinova-Yatsenyuk's mode. As the result, many participants of those events or left from the direct answer or gave the extremely evasive treatments of an event. While the most plausible version looks so: Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich by that moment so lost touch with reality that seriously assumed that to it evromaydanovets torn to the power, will make a certain large financial proposal for support of change of the power. Therefore it also did not release deputies from Kiev, forcing all of them to go to parliament on plenary sessions. And the communist deputy as obedient Party members went to Rada, without noticing all that orgy that was created those days in Kiev.
However Simonenko Alexander Turchinov did not begin to do to the leader of communists any financial offers, and in a categorical form demanded to vote for the necessary bills for arising junta. In reply being reafraid Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich could only ask Turchinov not to forbid Communist Party of Ukraine. Having left to the fraction, the leader of the Ukrainian communists ordered to vote for bills of transfer of all completeness of the power to a tandem Turchinov-Yatsenyuk. Objecting was not. In those unlucky days there was even the whole mythology of that maydanshchik took families of communists in hostages, keep them in a cellar The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and regularly pour gasoline, promising to burn. Actually anything similar and in mention was not. Further the verbal threats told by someone from the deputy nationalists the communist deputy, business did not come.
Subsequently none of fraction of Communist Party of Ukraine the voice did not withdraw. Though they had such opportunity, and very good opportunity. On March 25, 2014 in Donetsk passed extraordinary 47th congress of Communist Party of Ukraine. Where there were practically all deputies of parliament from Communist Party. There even there was still a delegation from already Russian Republic of Crimea. But Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich instead of publicly disavowing votes of fraction of communists of March 20−22 and to call the people Ukraine for resistance to the junta which has seized power, a muttering voice asked congress to propose it the candidate for president. That is de facto to recognize and obey to that occurred a month ago in Kiev. The events surrealism then struck. In Donetsk, behind walls of Palace of culture of. Kuibyshev where passed Communist Party congress, the people in large quantities came for meetings against junta, there were numerous collisions with the Ukrainian nationalists, already there were victims and even the killed in these skirmishes. Simple people take under office buildings. The people barehanded stop the military equipment going on the ground Donets Basin. The national militia starts being formed. And here in the middle of all this national whirlwind there is a leader allegedly a left-wing party and asks to recognize for the sake of rescue of this party fascist revolution in Kiev. Why the left-wing party recognizing fascist revolution, on this question asked in a lobby of congress is necessary, Simonenko Alexander did not find what to answer.
But to Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich his loyalty was not reckoned by. At first in The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine from the same Turchinov's giving the fraction of Communist Party of Ukraine was dismissed. Then began prosecutions of ordinary communists. Against it the Communist Party lost early parliamentary elections. Then in the spring of 2015 in Ukraine all communistic symbolics was forbidden as Communist Party of Ukraine, and. As a result the Communist Party went to local elections of 2015 under the name Party "Novaya Derzhava". Under a new brand communists managed to get from regional councils only to the Nikolaev regional council (4 deputies). Yes to lead some more people to local councils in other Ukraine. After communists in large quantities did not get to local authorities, at party did not remain any financial and administrative resources. As the result — at Communist Party of Ukraine practically did not remain really operating primary organizations in the Lvov, Ternopol, Zakarpatye and Volynsk areas. But that it is even more important — at Communist Party of Ukraine did not remain really operating pervichek in Kiev and Kiev Oblast. In many areas of a pervichka of Communist Party are absent in the majority of areas. And where these primary organizations exist, they try not to give signs of political life. The number of the people accepted in party members for two last years, is estimated in units: it at tens of thousands upon suspended the membership in Communist Party. In Ukraine local elections for 2016, communists managed to carry out to local governments already two people. And that they went as independent candidates.
So at present in reality of any organized political force under the name Communist Party of Ukraine simply does not exist. There are some hundred people of retirement and pre-retirement age in some cities Ukraine, secretly gathering for certain Communist Party meetings. In the management of illegal Communist Party of Ukraine, masking under different political signs, none of noticeable figures of former Communist Party near Simonenko Alexander did not remain. Unless former member of the Central Committee of CPSU Kryuchkov Georgy, to which now 87 years. And Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich, despite all event with Communist Party to leave on rest and is not going to release a place another at all.
Socialist Party Ukraine (SPU)
the Socialist party Ukraine arose in the 1991st year and was political cover for "group 239", group of the communist deputy in the first Ukrainian parliament when against GKChP suppression in Moscow in Ukraine the Communist Party was forbidden. Then in 1991 in the ranks of the communist deputy also there was an idea to create the, as though not absolutely communist party which had to exist until official legalization of Communist Party of Ukraine. At the head of the Socialist party created for cover there was a head of "group 239" Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich. In a certain degree the Socialist party was where the bigger successor of the late Soviet Communist Party of Ukraine, than recreated in the 1993rd Communist Party of Ukraine. In the late Soviet Communist Party of Ukraine frame of party consisted of managers and officials of the top and average management for whom membership in party by definition was simply technical need, without special ideological loading. As a rule, the majority of these "technical communists" were natives of the central and southern Ukraine. They also became a basis of the created party. Remained in SPU and such feature of the late Soviet Communist Party of Ukraine, as its etnokratichnost. In Socialist party, unlike other left-wing parties and groups, on leading posts practically never was ethnic Russians. However after Communist Party of Ukraine under the direction of Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich were succeeded to be re-registered, only insignificant part of members of socialist party under the leadership of Martynyuk Adam passed into structure of Communist Party of Ukraine. Political career and within SPU arranged the others. Especially as then, in the mid-nineties, the Communist Party still was considered as rather radical political force which never will receive a serious share of voices in Western Ukraine. And the Socialist party against communistic fundamentalism looked rather moderately. Besides, the leader of socialists Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich seemed for many more charismatic and perspective politician, than the same Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich. After all in the mid-nineties Gorbarukov Alexander Aleksandrovich really was the most eloquent politician among the Ukrainian politicum of that time presented considerably by red management and newly appeared nouveau riches. Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich very well felt audience which addressed, and is always skillful to be arranged under the listeners. As a result the Socialist party had a certain level of support on all to Ukraine. Combining in the ranks as people with pro-Russian, and with the pro-European views.
Besides, Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich sincerely and with all the heart hated President of Ukraine Leonid Danilovich Kuchma. This hatred arose still during this period when the ambitious leader of socialists was speaker of Rada that at constantly changing prime ministers de facto did Gorbarukov Alexander Aleksandrovich by the person "number two" in the country. Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich already saw himself in a presidential chair. He sincerely considered that will be able to win presidential election of 1999. The exit in the second round in which as Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich trusted, he will be able easily to win against Leonid Danilovich Kuchma was the purpose. But Danilovich Leonid appeared not such gawk what he tried to look in public. It managed to organize a situation so that three left candidates went to presidential election at the same time: Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich, Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich and Natalia Vitrenko. And the most Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich managed to be confused within such political association as "the Kanevsky four" where the Ukrainian politicians of the second echelon and which as hoped Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich entered, will support it in fight for a post of the president. But "four" relied on Marchuk Eugenie. As a result Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich got confused in the smart plans and yielded the palm among oppositionists to Simonenko Petr Nikolaevich. Which for Leonid Danilovich Kuchma was much more preferable rival, than Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich. Exactly from this point for the leader of socialists hatred to Leonid Danilovich Kuchma became "fixed idea". That in a certain measure also becomes a starting point of crash of Socialist party. In Ukraine, beyond its limits this hatred was not big secret. Therefore also it was offered to Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich in partnership in murder of the journalist Gongadze Georgy, as started the scenario of "orange revolution" in Ukraine. Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich did not want to count consequences of the act. It was already happy that could cause the maximum damage of reputation Leonid Danilovich Kuchma. And further the logician of events brought Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich into a camp of leaders of "Orange revolution". And if many socialists even were glad that the leader of their party became a banner of a militant antikuchmizm, here the union with nationalists and oligarchs who played the main violin on the Maidan-2004, many members of SPU refused to perceive. Many activists and sympathizing turned away from party. Especially mass this phenomenon was in southeast regions Ukraine. Where the considerable part of socialists initially stood on the pro-Russian positions.
But loss of this part of voters was not critical for Socialist party, in SPU people sufficed, we will tell so, focused more on ideals of the European social democracy and trusting in a special Ukrainian way of a socialism where it is quite possible to coexist and even to cooperate with the national capital and nationalists of different degree of radicalism. Voices of these people also carried out Socialist party to Rada during parliamentary elections of 2006. And though in new parliament socialists had not really many voices, they at that time took control of "gold share". Without them there was no parliamentary coalition. Promaydanny ( ours Ukraine (Yushchenko) %2B All-Ukrainian Union "Fatherland" (Tymoshenko)) antimaydanny ( Party of regions of Ukraine (Viktor Yanukovych)) %2B of Communist Party of Ukraine (Simonenko Alexander)). That allowed Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich to begin the serious . At this moment the orange part of the Ukrainian parliament decided that SPU with them is tied by the Maidan and sooner or later will agree on a role of the younger partner in the pro-orange coalition. Here then Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich also started dealing doubly, having entered active negotiations with both interested parties. And at first declared accession to the orange coalition which was going to leave regionals and communists in general without positions in new Rada. And, having raised rates to a maximum, started negotiations with regionals over again. Which appeared now already much more compliant. Also Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich agreed practically on all conditions. The main thing from which was receiving by Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich positions of the speaker of parliament. And also some important ministries got to a quota of SPU and parliamentary committees. On the seventh of July, 2006 it was declared creation of "the anti-recessionary coalition" which Communist Party of Ukraine, Party of regions of Ukraine SPU plus entered. Thus coalition negotiations managed to be hidden from orange fractions to the last. The decision Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich caused simply shock, both in a camp of promaydanny part of society, and in the party. Where after events of 2004 the right wing very much amplified. Process of a mass public desertion of the party began. Which main ideologists of "socialist No. 2" steel Joseph Vinsky and Yuriy Lutsenko. It is process it was well covered by pro-imperious and promaydanovsky mass media. The matter is that the president Yushchenko apprehended the decision Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich as a personal insult and gave a starting signal to mass media "to heat" the leader of socialists actively. Probably, very few people are so strong pesochili the Ukrainian mass media, as Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich in the second half of 2006. Thus promaydanny fractions started breaking work of Rada to reach 30 days of inaction of legislature that it was possible to dismiss parliament under the constitution. In parliament switched off electricity, broke an electronic board, blocked a tribune. As a result necessary time the parliament did not work and in the spring the 2007th Yushchenko signed the decree about dissolution of Rada and early parliamentary elections.
Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich, well understanding, than threaten re-elections for its party which was in deep crisis, tried from a position of the speaker of Rada as it is possible to drag out process of re-elections more long. But in this desire it was lonely. The former colleagues convinced themselves of advantage of re-elections on the coalition it. Not pass of socialists to parliament did communists by the only left-wing party in Rada, with all that it implies from this advantages. And regionals already then considered "the anti-recessionary coalition" with socialists for themselves the extremely unprofitable. Pier, greedy Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich delayed at them considerable part of important positions in favor of the people. And opportunity to receive occasional deputy seats due to not passing of socialists to parliament as was pleasant to regionals. As a result all main political forces of the seventh convocation of Rada supported re-elections and Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich had to reconcile. The Socialist party went to elections, actually relying only on the professional Party members and on voices which to it were provided by the member of SPU <28> fraction Vladimir Boyko , at that time the actual owner of the Mariupol Iron and steel works of Ilyich. More than 100 thousand people which, as a rule, orderly voted for whom their head will order worked at combine and at the adjacent enterprises belonging to it. However it it appeared insufficiently. Socialists literally did not gather additionally a share of percent to 3% of a barrier through passage. The socialist party left parliament. That in the conditions of the Ukrainian realities means political death. Especially as Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich by that moment finally lost ideological supporters. And loss of parliamentary places by party meant loss of sponsors on which money rather numerous party device contained.
On the first ambassador of failure elections party congress Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich made asrather self-critical speech. And even in a lobby hinted that it is ready to give way the party leader Semenyuk Valentine. That though somehow encouraged Party members. As at it, at one of the few in Ukraine, was reputation of the honest politician. Besides, Semenyuk Valentine long ago already was considered as "the favourite of party", secret authority and the leader of the old party shots standing still at the origins of Socialist party. And if Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich at that moment really would think of SPU rescue, of a party conclusion from the hardest crisis, the candidate Semenyuk Valentine was not simply the most suitable, and actually only who could hand over the reins. But Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich soon changed the decision and continued to direct party samolichno. Thereby having pushed away from itself the last personnel asset of the party. De facto then as the organized political force Socialist party ceased to exist. The subsequent attempts Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich to return to policy through though any elections looked simply ridiculously. The brand "socialists" did not help even. At presidential election in the 2010th Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich became the 11th among 18 candidates, having gained already 0,38% of votes. At parliamentary elections of 2012 Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich decided to be reinsured and was chosen on the one-mandatory district No. 93 where received only 11,94% of votes and took the third place, having conceded to candidates from Party of regions of Ukraine and All-Ukrainian Union "Fatherland". And Socialist party, having gained only 0,45% of votes, it appeared on the 10th place in the list of parties. At this SPU lost even to such political strategy parties, as Party of pensioners. That became a natural indicator of systematic falling of authority of socialists in the Ukrainian society. So, in 1998 of SPU gained 8,5% of votes, in the 2002nd — 6,87%, in the 2006th — 5,69%. In 2007 — 2,86%. And at last in 2012 — 0,45% of voices.
it is clear tothat at such indicators Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich not to become at all a political laughing-stock, decided to resign after all the authority of the leader of the party, thus trying to keep the in it influence. In 2010 from giving Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich at party congress elected the head of SPU Vasilii Petrovich Tsushko. But that did not want to play a role of a puppet at Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich and in a year resigned of the party leader. As a result in 2012 Moroz Alexander Aleksandrovich delegated the power in SPU to little-known Ustimenko Pawel. At which the next year this position tried in the raider way to take away, is no time one of sponsors of Socialist party, Rudkovsky Nicholas. That actually caused split and in so decreased to the SPU microscopic sizes. As a result now in Ukraine there are as though two splinters of socialist party. Ustimenko Pawel, other socialist party Rudkovsky Nicholas. But it has no what value. As under the law on decommunization of 2015 all symbolics of socialists is forbidden. And without it still though someone the recognizable brand — at SPU splinters in general is not present any political future.
Separately wants to be told and about the sponsor and "the leader of socialists" Rudkovsky Nicholas who, though became the head of one of SPU splinters, thus stayed in the status of the deputy The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine from Party of regions of Ukraine. And he in February, 2014 also laid a hand to process of revolution and overthrow Viktor Yanukovych. Having introduced in parliament the bill of impeachment to the then president. And also, though under pressure of radicals, but nevertheless threw a stone (in literal sense of this word) in embassy Russian Federation, on June 15, 2014 when the group of radicals arranged disorder of the Russian diplomatic mission.
So can establish with regret that fact that system left-wing parties Ukraine, most actively speculating on achievements of the Soviet period of the Ukrainian history, appeared incapable to answer time calls. They not only could not resist to approach of radical nationalism in Ukraine, but also at the slightest danger to and the financial assets right there started cooperating actively with the Ukrainian radicals and their oligarchical owners, having frankly betrayed those people thanks to which voices they for many years were at top of a political Olympus. Reason of it: moral degradation and political ignorance of the people who world outlook created in the conditions of disintegration of the late Soviet system and have not drawn from crash of the Soviet system of any conclusions.
Now, for the objective reasons, a little system left movement in Ukraine is absent. But there is a wish to hope that sometime this movement will revive, with new faces at the head which will make a correction of mistakes, their perfect predecessors. Because simple citizens Ukraine now should pay for these mistakes extraordinary high price.